Jekyll 2020-05-31T09:27:07+00:00 Protesilaos Stavrou: Master feed (catch-all) Protesilaos Stavrou Comment on resisting techno-digital dystopia 2020-05-21T00:00:00+00:00 2020-05-21T00:00:00+00:00 <p>I was asked for my opinion on the challenges raised by potentially repressive technologies. The idea is how can one protect themselves from the seemingly omnipotent state, especially in light of the technological means at its disposal.</p> <p>The following is my initial take on the subject. I am sharing it with the proviso that I do not consider it a comprehensive analysis and may still elaborate further in some future essay.</p> <hr /> <p>I think we need to frame dystopia that is powered by digital technology as yet another form of tyranny. This is not to trivialise it—if “trivialising” can ever apply to <em>tyranny</em>—, nor to downplay its potential for destruction or otherwise equate it ideologically with other totalitarian regimes. By understanding it as a tyranny, we provide ourselves with an already well-understood conceptual framework to reason about it.</p> <p>Every tyranny consists in the control of the vast majority of people by a small group of individuals. It is always a minority that wields power within the confines of the given polity’s scope of sovereignty or reach.</p> <p>For a minority to rule over the majority, it obviously requires access to critical resources but, more importantly, it must have a comparative advantage of coordination relative to the subjects of its will.</p> <p>The minority has to act as a unit, while the majority remains divided and unorganised. The principle of “divide and conquer” is a constant in all hitherto existing statecraft. The state of technology or the prevailing conditions in general may only alter the specifics on the implementation front.</p> <p>That principle captures the irreducible factor of the case, which constitutes the relative strength of the tyrants over the oppressed. Disorganised people are vulnerable, exploitable, and can more easily be forced into supporting the regime or otherwise acquiescing to its stratagems.</p> <p>Couched in those terms, tyranny is both (i) an immediately recognisable architecture of supreme political authority, and (ii) a widespread mindset that is characterised by inertness, indifference, helplessness, and fatalism. To resist oppression one must not merely guard against the legal-institutional, economic, technological, or such readily discernible establishment. They must also overcome the centripetal forces generated by the people’s inability to act.</p> <p>History tells us that a group which functions as a unit can exert greater power than that of its constituent elements in isolation. It acquires an emergent property, germane to the concerted action as such. Tyranny governs through the unity of its members, but also by mastering the reign of fear. Terror spreads like a virus, especially when those being terrorised remain exposed by virtue of their forced/induced turn towards short-term-focused egocentrism.</p> <p>What else is contagious though is courage and the duty to express opposition to injustice. If the oppressors can gain an advantage by cooperating among themselves, then so can an opposing force that starts out as small in scale. It cuts both ways.</p> <p>The resistance does not need to be carried out by a majority of people at once. Indeed it never is possible to arrive at that eventuality without going through intermediate phases. There must initially be a fairly tightly-controlled collective that is self-governed and guided by agreement of spirit and a clear sense of purpose. This agent of reform is enough to help spread courage, so that the majority may eventually agree to contribute towards enacting regime change.</p> <p>The members of the resistance must stand united, in solidarity to each other. The starting point is to undermine that inter-personal comparative advantage of the oppressors by means of grassroots action. Remember that part of tyranny’s power is contingent on the inertness of the majority. This is where activism must focus its immediate attention: to show the alternatives in concrete terms, to build networks of exchange and genuine support.</p> <p>While it is clear that one can contribute incrementally to global shifts by means of localised action, it also is the case that one may appreciate the universal truth by discerning an instance of it. As such, activism must promote cases of freedom-respecting and freedom-enhancing media or practices as tangible examples of modes of possible inter-subjective experience: they offer a hint as to what a freed world could look like.</p> <p>At any rate, a critical mass is required. Coordination and cooperation will always be part of the solution to the problem. Everything else will follow from there. The technological means will vary, as will the figures and the ideocentric parameters or whatever other contributing factor to such a state of affairs.</p> <p>To my mind, techno-digital dystopia can be reduced to “dystopia”, which in turn implies tyranny. By claiming as much, I wish to stress the importance of the human qua social animal side of things: how concerted action is essential to the cause.</p> <p>It is crucial to understand that no amount of freedom-friendly technology is ever enough to render one immune to the vicissitudes of the establishment’s machinations. Nature and history tell us that there is safety in numbers. It is naive, indeed self-defeating, to believe that one can effectively fend off aggression while remaining strictly limited to their individuality.</p> <p>To this end, all calls for apolitical escapism, those that present individualism as its own telos, must be interpreted as impediments to the possible creation of an antipode to the status quo. Such times call for collective efforts and an appreciation of the longer-term dimension of the pro-liberty struggle; liberty as experienced by each person (subjective) and as enabled by one’s milieu (inter-subjective).</p> <p>Finally, I think we are not in a generalised dystopia right now, at least not in my part of the world. Regardless, we must always be wary of the establishment’s potential: it does have the means and the propensity to proceed down that path. To think that some constitution or court of law will single-handedly upset the repressive turn is to remain oblivious to the lessons of history, including those of the near past and, in parts of the world, of the present. No institutional arrangement can defend itself. It is always people who may safeguard the prevailing values that can otherwise be codified in statutes and other rules.</p> Protesilaos Stavrou What I think about the most effective response to technologically-capable tyranny. Comment on elections in general 2020-05-10T00:00:00+00:00 2020-05-10T00:00:00+00:00 <p>In a private exchange I was asked for my opinion on the act of voting. The following is my basic idea about the subject. Some parts have been edited in the interest of privacy. Note that I am posting this with the proviso that I do not consider it a comprehensive take on the matter and may still elaborate on it in some future essay.</p> <hr /> <p>I have never voted. I am not against it per se. It just seems to me that elections cannot deliver auto-nomy (self-government), because the “constitutional subject”, the people, is nothing more than an abstraction.</p> <p>Party politics are an integral part of representative democracy, which in turn is a facet of a system of centralisation of authority. When the nation-state started taking form, this centralisation meant that everything would be decided by a handful of people in the country’s capital: even in an ideal parliamentarian system we are still talking about a tiny minority who has disproportionate power over the rest of society. Now that telecommunications, travel, and other technologies remove logistical constraints that held true in previous eras, centralisation happens at the continental/supra-national level (EU in my case).</p> <p>These are different kinds of gigantism. Elections offer a sense of participation, but the real power lies elsewhere. Think, if you will, of the virtual omnipotence of the European Central Bank. No-one voted for them. No parliamentarian who speaks for “the people” can scrutinise the ECB, and so on.</p> <p>Also see my <a href="">Crises, transnationalism, and the demi-state</a> and make sure to follow all links from there.</p> <p>And then there is the practical problem that elections are never fair. There are inequalities in funding and “air time” on the media. While I do not know whether this is true for your country, in Greece and Cyprus (and the UK and several other countries I know of) the media are platforms that are controlled by an economic elite. Again, a handful of people. Same with the main social networks, whose algorithms influence who sees what.</p> <p>The core challenge is that power is at some centre. That makes it easier to be abused.</p> <p>Elections are an excellent tool in a system where the members have equal opportunities to speak their mind; a system of true pluralism and genuine participation. And this can only happen by going to the smaller scale of the local community.</p> <p>If you must vote, go for people with good ideas and honest intentions. At any rate, the act of sending a parliamentarian to a 4/5 year-term service in some far away place (literally and figuratively) will never grant any real auto-nomy to your quotidian life. Connect this to the aforementioned notion of intersubjective freedom.<sup id="fnref:NoteIntersubjectiveFreedom" role="doc-noteref"><a href="#fn:NoteIntersubjectiveFreedom" class="footnote">1</a></sup></p> <div class="footnotes" role="doc-endnotes"> <ol> <li id="fn:NoteIntersubjectiveFreedom" role="doc-endnote"> <p>Basically this is a reference to my thinking against the decontextualised human, a deep-seated presumption of our world that I have repeatedly wrestled with, such as in my recent book <a href="">On Hubris</a>. The gist is that one cannot be free in a strict individualistic sense for as long as there are phenomena that necessarily involved multiple agents. Concretely: you live in a political environment outside your control and even if you alone are free in some sense, there still is no freedom at the collective level, which in turn limits the scope of your choices in one way or another. <a href="#fnref:NoteIntersubjectiveFreedom" class="reversefootnote" role="doc-backlink">[^]</a></p> </li> </ol> </div> Protesilaos Stavrou What I think about elections in modern democracies. Modus Operandi theme subtle palette review (Emacs) 2020-05-10T00:00:00+00:00 2020-05-10T00:00:00+00:00 <p>The following is intended to be read inside of an <code>org-mode</code> buffer, so I provide the text verbatim for you to copy-paste.</p> <p>The gist is that picking colours in accordance with <a href="">the design principles of the Modus themes</a> is inherently tricky.</p> <p>Read the report below for the technicalities. These changes will be pushed to <code>master</code> later today (2020-05-10).</p> <hr /> <pre><code>* Modus Operandi theme palette refinements 2020-05-10 This review redefines the value of =bg-alt= from =f3f1f3= to =f0f0f0=, which then allows =bg-hl-line= to be refashioned from =f1f2f6= to =f2eff3=. The latter's contrast vis-à-vis =bg-main= jumps from =1.11= to =1.14= (which is intended for improved functionality of =hl-line-mode=). Several foreground colours have been redefined accordingly to pass the WCAG AAA accessibility test against the new background values. Remember that the minimum contrast ratio between background and foreground values is 7:1. The following table compares all foreground colours (column 2) with their intended background values (some colours are designed to be combined only with specific backgrounds, so they are excluded from this list). The variables for the background colours are =bg-main=, =bg-dim=, =bg-alt=, and =bg-hl-line=, represented in this exact sequence in the table's columns 3-6. Use =M-x rainbow-mode= to preview all colour values (see sample package declaration below). | Foreground colour name | | #ffffff | #f8f8f8 | #f0f0f0 | #f2eff3 | |--------------------------+---------+---------+---------+---------+---------| | fg-main | #000000 | 21.00 | 19.77 | 18.43 | 18.42 | | fg-dim | #282828 | 14.74 | 13.88 | 12.94 | 12.93 | | fg-alt | #505050 | 8.06 | 7.59 | 7.08 | 7.07 | | fg-active | #191919 | 17.58 | 16.56 | 15.43 | 15.42 | | fg-inactive | #424242 | 10.05 | 9.46 | 8.82 | 8.81 | | fg-special-cold | #093060 | 13.10 | 12.33 | 11.49 | 11.49 | | fg-special-mild | #184034 | 11.53 | 10.85 | 10.12 | 10.11 | | fg-special-warm | #5d3026 | 10.96 | 10.32 | 9.62 | 9.61 | | fg-special-calm | #61284f | 10.91 | 10.27 | 9.57 | 9.57 | | red | #a60000 | 8.01 | 7.54 | 7.03 | 7.03 | | green | #005e00 | 8.07 | 7.60 | 7.08 | 7.08 | | yellow | #813e00 | 8.01 | 7.54 | 7.03 | 7.02 | | blue | #0030a6 | 10.64 | 10.02 | 9.34 | 9.33 | | magenta | #721045 | 11.20 | 10.54 | 9.83 | 9.82 | | cyan | #00538b | 8.05 | 7.58 | 7.06 | 7.06 | | red-alt | #972500 | 8.14 | 7.66 | 7.14 | 7.14 | | green-alt | #315b00 | 7.99 | 7.53 | 7.01 | 7.01 | | yellow-alt | #70480f | 8.01 | 7.54 | 7.03 | 7.02 | | blue-alt | #223fbf | 8.30 | 7.81 | 7.28 | 7.28 | | magenta-alt | #8f0075 | 8.66 | 8.15 | 7.60 | 7.59 | | cyan-alt | #30517f | 8.05 | 7.58 | 7.06 | 7.06 | | red-alt-other | #a0132f | 7.99 | 7.52 | 7.01 | 7.01 | | green-alt-other | #0f5c33 | 8.08 | 7.61 | 7.09 | 7.09 | | yellow-alt-other | #863927 | 7.99 | 7.52 | 7.01 | 7.01 | | blue-alt-other | #0000bb | 12.23 | 11.51 | 10.73 | 10.72 | | magenta-alt-other | #5317ac | 10.07 | 9.48 | 8.83 | 8.83 | | cyan-alt-other | #005a5f | 7.99 | 7.53 | 7.01 | 7.01 | | red-nuanced | #4d0006 | 15.93 | 15.00 | 13.98 | 13.97 | | green-nuanced | #003000 | 14.76 | 13.90 | 12.95 | 12.94 | | yellow-nuanced | #3a2a00 | 13.90 | 13.09 | 12.19 | 12.19 | | blue-nuanced | #001170 | 15.98 | 15.05 | 14.02 | 14.01 | | magenta-nuanced | #381050 | 15.46 | 14.56 | 13.57 | 13.56 | | cyan-nuanced | #003434 | 13.63 | 12.83 | 11.96 | 11.95 | | red-refine-fg | #780000 | 11.68 | 10.99 | 10.25 | 10.24 | | green-refine-fg | #004c00 | 10.33 | 9.72 | 9.06 | 9.06 | | yellow-refine-fg | #604000 | 9.41 | 8.86 | 8.26 | 8.26 | | blue-refine-fg | #002288 | 13.25 | 12.48 | 11.63 | 11.62 | | magenta-refine-fg | #770077 | 10.24 | 9.64 | 8.99 | 8.98 | | cyan-refine-fg | #004850 | 10.28 | 9.68 | 9.02 | 9.02 | | red-active | #930000 | 9.37 | 8.83 | 8.22 | 8.22 | | green-active | #005300 | 9.39 | 8.84 | 8.24 | 8.23 | | yellow-active | #703700 | 9.39 | 8.85 | 8.24 | 8.24 | | blue-active | #0033c0 | 9.40 | 8.85 | 8.25 | 8.24 | | magenta-active | #6320a0 | 9.36 | 8.81 | 8.21 | 8.20 | | cyan-active | #004882 | 9.34 | 8.79 | 8.19 | 8.19 | | fg-escape-char-construct | #8b1030 | 9.48 | 8.93 | 8.32 | 8.32 | | fg-escape-char-backslash | #654d0f | 8.01 | 7.54 | 7.03 | 7.02 | | fg-lang-error | #9f004f | 8.12 | 7.64 | 7.12 | 7.12 | | fg-lang-warning | #604f0f | 8.01 | 7.54 | 7.03 | 7.02 | | fg-lang-note | #4040ae | 8.19 | 7.72 | 7.19 | 7.19 | #+TBLFM: $3='(clr $2 @1$3);%0.2f #+TBLFM: $4='(clr $2 @1$4);%0.2f #+TBLFM: $5='(clr $2 @1$5);%0.2f #+TBLFM: $6='(clr $2 @1$6);%0.2f The Elisp to perform these calculations, which implements the WCAG AAA formula (the code is courtesy of [[][Omar Antolín Camarena]]): #+begin_src emacs-lisp (defun wcag (hex) (apply #'+ (cl-mapcar (lambda (k x) (* k (if (&lt;= x 0.03928) (/ x 12.92) (expt (/ (+ x 0.055) 1.055) 2.4)))) '(0.2126 0.7152 0.0722) (color-name-to-rgb hex)))) (defun clr (c1 c2) (let ((ct (/ (+ (wcag c1) 0.05) (+ (wcag c2) 0.05)))) (max ct (/ ct)))) #+end_src The diff for =modus-operandi-theme.el=: #+begin_src diff emacs/.emacs.d/modus-operandi-theme.el | 26 +++++++++++++------------- 1 file changed, 13 insertions(+), 13 deletions(-) diff --git a/emacs/.emacs.d/modus-operandi-theme.el b/emacs/.emacs.d/modus-operandi-theme.el index 10b39cd..674eaab 100644 --- a/emacs/.emacs.d/modus-operandi-theme.el +++ b/emacs/.emacs.d/modus-operandi-theme.el @@ -555,7 +555,7 @@ AMOUNT is a customisation option." (defvar modus-operandi-theme-default-colors-alist '(;; base values ("bg-main" . "#ffffff") ("fg-main" . "#000000") - ("bg-alt" . "#f3f1f3") ("fg-alt" . "#505050") + ("bg-alt" . "#f0f0f0") ("fg-alt" . "#505050") ("bg-dim" . "#f8f8f8") ("fg-dim" . "#282828") ;; specifically for on/off states (e.g. `mode-line') ;; @@ -572,21 +572,21 @@ AMOUNT is a customisation option." ;; styles for the main constructs ;; ;; must be combined with: `bg-main', `bg-alt', `bg-dim' - ("red" . "#a80000") ("green" . "#005f00") - ("yellow" . "#8b3800") ("blue" . "#0030a6") - ("magenta" . "#721045") ("cyan" . "#005589") + ("red" . "#a60000") ("green" . "#005e00") + ("yellow" . "#813e00") ("blue" . "#0030a6") + ("magenta" . "#721045") ("cyan" . "#00538b") ;; styles for common, but still specialised constructs ;; ;; must be combined with: `bg-main', `bg-alt', `bg-dim' - ("red-alt" . "#972500") ("green-alt" . "#305c00") - ("yellow-alt" . "#714900") ("blue-alt" . "#223fbf") - ("magenta-alt" . "#8f0075") ("cyan-alt" . "#185870") + ("red-alt" . "#972500") ("green-alt" . "#315b00") + ("yellow-alt" . "#70480f") ("blue-alt" . "#223fbf") + ("magenta-alt" . "#8f0075") ("cyan-alt" . "#30517f") ;; same purpose as above, just slight differences ;; ;; must be combined with: `bg-main', `bg-alt', `bg-dim' - ("red-alt-other" . "#a0132f") ("green-alt-other" . "#095f1c") - ("yellow-alt-other" . "#804000") ("blue-alt-other" . "#0000bb") - ("magenta-alt-other" . "#5317ac") ("cyan-alt-other" . "#005a68") + ("red-alt-other" . "#a0132f") ("green-alt-other" . "#145c33") + ("yellow-alt-other" . "#863927") ("blue-alt-other" . "#0000bb") + ("magenta-alt-other" . "#5317ac") ("cyan-alt-other" . "#005a5f") ;; styles for elements that should be very subtle ;; ;; must be combined with: `bg-main', `bg-alt', `bg-dim' @@ -677,7 +677,7 @@ AMOUNT is a customisation option." ;; the window divider colours apply to faces with just an fg value ;; ;; all pairs are combinable with themselves - ("bg-hl-line" . "#f1f2f6") + ("bg-hl-line" . "#f2eff3") ("bg-paren-match" . "#efcabf") ("bg-region" . "#bcbcbc") @@ -687,10 +687,10 @@ AMOUNT is a customisation option." ("fg-tab-active" . "#30169e") ("fg-escape-char-construct" . "#8b1030") - ("fg-escape-char-backslash" . "#644f00") + ("fg-escape-char-backslash" . "#654d0f") ("fg-lang-error" . "#9f004f") - ("fg-lang-warning" . "#605000") + ("fg-lang-warning" . "#604f0f") ("fg-lang-note" . "#4040ae") ("fg-window-divider-inner" . "#888888") #+end_src The sample package declaration: #+begin_src emacs-lisp (use-package rainbow-mode :ensure :commands rainbow-mode :config (setq rainbow-ansi-colors nil) (setq rainbow-x-colors nil)) #+end_src </code></pre> Protesilaos Stavrou Report on the subtle refinements to some of Modus Operandi's colours. Demo of Emacs Shell (ESHELL) 2020-05-08T00:00:00+00:00 2020-05-08T00:00:00+00:00 <p>Eshell is a line-oriented command shell that is deeply integrated with the rest of Emacs. And it is extensible in true Emacs fashion.</p> <p>In this video I showcase the extensions I have programmed for it. The idea is that you can see in action the value of using Elisp for your regular command-line needs.</p> <p>Refer to <a href="">my dotemacs</a> for all the configurations for this and other tools.</p> <p>And these are some valuable resources you could also check (and don’t forget the official manual):</p> <ul> <li><a href="">Mike Zamansky’s video demo</a> that also shows how to program an Eshell switcher.</li> <li><a href="">Howard Abrahams’ video</a> that covers the features of Eshell.</li> <li><a href="">Pierre Neidhardt’s detailed blog post</a> on the pros and cons of Eshell.</li> </ul> Protesilaos Stavrou Eshell is a line-oriented command shell that is deeply integrated with the rest of Emacs. And it is extensible in true Emacs fashion. Crises, transnationalism, and the demi-state 2020-05-01T00:00:00+00:00 2020-05-01T00:00:00+00:00 <p>In an April 29, 2019 article titled <a href="">The Virus that Changed the World</a>, Joschka Fischer highlights the shortcomings of the international institutional architecture, while pointing at the supposedly pressing need to rekindle the spirit of transnationalism. As the author puts it:</p> <blockquote> <p>While nation-states will remain indispensable in providing good governance and contributing to global efforts, the principle of nationalism will only exacerbate future systemic crises. The pandemic must be followed by a new age of international cooperation and a strengthening of multilateral institutions. This applies to Europe, in particular.</p> <p>Now more than ever, we need to reclaim the spirit of 1945. We need the twenty-first century’s two superpowers, America and China, to set the example, by burying their rivalry and uniting all of humankind around a collective response to the current crisis, and to those that await us.</p> </blockquote> <p>While I agree that nationalism, made manifest through the centuries as nation-statism (more on that later), is too limited in scope and cannot cope with the challenges of a global magnitude, I am not convinced that <em>more centralisation</em> of power at the international centre is the solution to our problems.</p> <p>Fundamentally, the <em>crises</em> we are facing, be it the pandemic, climate change and ecological calamities, the Great Recession of the past decade and the coming Greater Depression, can be understood as epiphenomena of increased inter-connectedness, else inter-dependence. Rather than distributed systems that can remain robust to a range of shocks, the human world is becoming ever-more monolith-like and fragile as a result.</p> <p>The fact that our hospitals did not have even the basics in sufficient stock is due to the neoliberal ideology that underpins the world’s legal-institutional order: the belief that global trade is sufficient to deliver production on demand and everything should be outsourced. So the hospital in country A becomes dependent on the supplier in country B and, therefore, is exposed to whatever shocks may emanate from the prevailing conditions in that country. A crisis in one area becomes generalised by means of the sheer mechanics of the system.</p> <p>More inter-dependence will only exacerbate the systemic nature of the crises and will further amplify their invidious effects. This is an insight that us Europeans should have learnt from the peak of the eurocrisis: a single currency area connects local economies in such a way that a persistent downturn in one part is enough to pose an existential threat to the common currency itself through a cascading effect of widespread failures and bankruptcies, as well as self-fulfilling prophecies in market expectations for identifying the next weakest link in the chain.</p> <p>In practical terms, Fischer’s thesis can only hold true as an immediate reaction to the challenges of the pandemic: the system cannot be refashioned in one stroke amid the crisis and, therefore, no country can reliably act unilaterally in the meantime. Over the longer-term though the genuine solution is to scrutinise and ultimately dismiss as pathogenic the dogma that centralisation is a necessary blessing.</p> <p>Which brings us to the false dichotomy between nationalism and internationalism. None of the two is appropriate, while they do not stand in direct opposition to each other. Nationalism was the first step towards the rapid acceleration of inter-connectedness within and then across borders, hence the <em>inter</em> national world order.</p> <p>The nation-state is the apparatus that consolidated power at the country’s capital, effectively establishing a technocracy with <em>elements of</em> democratic custom and majoritarian decision-making. It is the mechanism that pampered and reinforced the familiar two-tier system of the capitalist power edifice, where a rentier class of platform owners (I call them “platformarchs”) exists in symbiotic relationship with—or as a de facto extension of—state structures, while the rest of society copes with precarity and the vicissitudes of the business cycle (i.e. they are handed generous bail-outs and privileges, while we get grinding austerity and radical uncertainty).</p> <p>In essence, nation-statism created a new class of corporate overlords that are best understood collectively as <strong>the demi-state</strong>. I define it thus: the social class comprising private interests that are enabled, supported, protected, or otherwise sustained by the state’s acts of sovereignty, which controls the entry points, critical infrastructure, or other requisite factors of economic conduct, and which, inter alia, provides state-like functions in domains or fields of endeavour outside the narrow confines of profit-oriented production and consumption in exchange for a legally-sanctioned oligopolistic privilege in the markets it operates in.</p> <p>Think of how cashless transactions that involve <em>private money</em> in the form of inter-bank payment systems allow the government to track market activity by being integrated with the handful of bankers/operators in this particular area of specialisation. Or how tech giants are becoming increasingly intertwined with surveillance corps (“security agencies”) and partake in tacit foreign policy or even internal affairs through cyber means.</p> <p>The demi-state is the pinnacle of the capitalist system and the most vicious monstrosity the nation-state ever established. This is why there needs to be a distinction, albeit analytical and academic in spirit, between nationalism and nation-statism. The former is a romantic/idealist notion that never developed into a form of governance. At its core, it is about being cognisant and supportive of one’s cultural identity. Whereas the nation-state expanded on that idea by interpreting three distinct magnitudes as consubstantial: the nation, the state, the homeland. For the nation-state, these three are the same thing to which we often read commentary along the lines of “America should do this” or “the Germans want that”: it conflates the citizens with the country, the land with the state, the government with the people, reifying the resulting aggregate as an exalted transhuman entity (also read my essay <a href="">Against the secularised theology of statecraft</a>).</p> <p>Couched in those terms, national sovereignty is hypostatised as the supreme political authority of a power elite in the nation’s command centre. The lofty ideal of “we the people” is, in the nation-statist worldview, realised as “we the few pretending to serve the people” or even “us the chosen ones who embody the spirit of the nation”. It is this very disconnect, indeed absurdity, that has allowed the once disparate national demi-states to extend beyond their borders and draw linkages between them. Or, to put it differently, the oligarchies decided that inter-connectedness would forward their agenda and so they pressed ahead without concern for side-effects that are always felt the most by those who survive in precarious conditions.</p> <p>As for the attitude of being pro-nation, nationalism properly so-called, this is always exploited by the nation-statists whenever they want to protect their interests. Sometimes as outright racism. Others as a moral imperative. Think of how it is a ‘national duty’ to bail out some mega corporation—‘our’ companies—or to send people’s children to die in a far away land in pursuit of the master’s imperialistic mania.</p> <p>Again to bring an example that us European are well aware of: the creation of the euro. An elitist initiative which established the most undemocratic institution that could ever exist in an ostensibly democratic legal-institutional arrangement: the European Central Bank. As explained in my ~4000-word essay from 2017-04-02 on <a href="">ECB independence: concept, scope, and implications</a>, this entity is practically immune to scrutiny. No body, no institution, be it national or supranational, can place conditions on the ECB or hold it accountable for its shortcomings using objective criteria. Moreover, no authority has the power to redistribute resources upwardly across the euro area. None except the ECB, which is blithely channelling resources to the privileged few, guaranteeing virtually limitless demand for the assets of corporate elites, effectively shielding them from the forces of the market, creating an uneven playing field, and putting them in a position of strength from where they can plunder the forlorn with impunity.</p> <p>To this end, the dichotomy between nationalism and internationalism must be re-framed in order to correspond to the actuality of things: it is a continuum that maps differences in degree. The internationalist mindset is the same as that of nation-statism without being limited to the borders of a single nation. Put differently, it is nation-statism freed from technical managerial constraints: faster travel, better telecommunications, and all the technological means of escaping physical limitations of yester year that kept logistics confined to a smaller scale.</p> <p>The case of the EU notwithstanding, we can already get a glimpse of the technocratic features of such a superstructure by recalling the observation that disproportionately powerful institutions such as the International Monetary Fund or the World Health Organisation are practically unaccountable. Or how the United Nations is but a glorified bureaucratic shadow play of rules-based global affairs that essentially obfuscates the fact that not all nation-states are made equal (a point that Joschka Fischer concedes). Or how the internationalist demi-state concentrates ever more power in its hands, while paying little-to-no taxes by leveraging a network of preferential jurisdictions that enable tax base erosion and fiscal engineering. And, lest we forget, how all this is expressed as an ever expanding chasm of inequality and an uneven distribution of resources between countries and among social classes.</p> <p>“Transnationalism” is a term that attempts to bestow a sense of righteousness and enlightenment on the nation-statism and internationalism that brought the world to where it currently is. The transnationalist will complain about the evils of nationalism and will lament the rise of ‘populism’ while conveniently ignoring the fact that it is the “spirit of 1945”, as Fischer puts it, that established the first iteration of what later became the EU and that defined the international architecture we are all familiar with. No populist bugaboo ever contributed to the inter-dependence of the world. The notion that some malevolent nationalists are undermining all the good things that the international order offers is flatly incorrect (also see my essay on <a href="">The shadow play of “populism”</a>).</p> <p>Alas, we have been indoctrinated into the belief that we must never challenge the dominant narrative, for we run the risk of being labelled a ‘nationalist’ or some of the other more sinister labels associated with that term. We are, in other words, brainwashed into seeing the world in binary terms, where you must either be a transnationalist or you are some nationalist scum. Good versus bad. No nuances. No possible permutations in between the extremes. This is a pernicious folly and the telltale sign of a humanity that has failed to internalise the scientific ethos, the attitude of questioning, the spirit of being tolerant by virtue of recognising one’s overall ignorance, the need for researching things and not accepting claims ex cathedra; the mark of a world that is moving full speed into a new Dark Age of false certainty <a href="">and hubris</a>.</p> <p>The answer to the crises does have a philosophical facet, in that it requires us to think of complexity as such and to remain aporetic in the face of the establishment’s hypocrisy and conventional wisdom. More concretely though, what we need is to disinvest and decisively downsize our operations: not just average me and you, but the insatiable billionaires of this world—especially them!</p> <p>Inter-dependence is unsustainable for humans and the rest of the planet. We need to become increasingly <em>autarkic</em> at the local community level. Learn to cultivate our own land while relying on polyculture and sustainable methods, produce our own sourdough bread away from the mild poison that is industrial loaf, stand in solidarity with our fellow people in our immediate surroundings, gain a sense of responsibility towards respecting and safeguarding the ecosystems we are immersed in.</p> <p>In short, we must shift from the arrangements of global inter-dependence and personal irresponsibility to a network of largely independent micro-centres of local participatory government and personal empowerment. This presupposes a thoroughgoing review of the principles that underpin the current paradigm of production-consumption-ownership and a direct opposition to the uncivilised moneyman of the capitalist regime.</p> <p>Joschka Fischer just echoes what many decision-makers and influencers like him have failed to realise or otherwise admit: that their vaunted beliefs are the root cause of the crises, not the much-touted panacea they envision.</p> Protesilaos Stavrou The concentration of power is the root cause of the crises. Transnationalism is part of that problem. Released Modus themes 0.8.0 2020-04-28T00:00:00+00:00 2020-04-28T00:00:00+00:00 <p>I just published version <code>0.8.0</code> of the Modus themes. These are my highly-accessible themes for GNU Emacs. They conform with the WCAG AAA standard for colour contrast accessibility (a minimum contrast ratio of 7:1 between the foreground and background values). You can find the packages on ELPA, MELPA, MELPA stable:</p> <ul> <li><code>modus-operandi-theme</code> (light)</li> <li><code>modus-vivendi-theme</code> (dark)</li> </ul> <p>Below are the release notes copied verbatim.</p> <hr /> <pre><code>Modus Operandi and Modus Vivendi version 0.8.0 By Protesilaos Stavrou &lt;; on 2020-04-28 This entry records the changes since version 0.7.0 (2020-03-30). The present release contains a little more than a hundred commits, covering one month of intense work. All changes are aligned with the primary objective of this project, which is conformance with the WCAG AAA accessibility standard for colour contrast. This translates to a minimum contrast ratio of 7:1 between a given combination of foreground and background colours. All customisation options mentioned herein are off ('nil') by default. The project's policy is to offer such features on an "opt-in" basis, while always respecting the principle of least surprise. Refer to the README for further information. Four new customisation options ------------------------------ The options in outline, with their detailed description below: + Rainbow headings + Section headings + 3D modeline + Subtle diffs 1. "Rainbow headings" will apply more vivid colours to headings in 'org-mode' and 'outline-mode'. The gradation is similar to that of a rainbow's colour spectrum. The default is to use colour values that are closer to the grey scale. 2. "Section headings" also apply to 'org-mode' and 'outline-mode'. They will draw an overline over each heading and use a nuanced background colour that is appropriate for each level. For Org, this option has some additional effects, where it will render keywords and priority cookies in a box and add to them a subtle background. This is to make sure that everything feels consistent (to the extent possible). The default is to not use overlines, backgrounds, boxes in any of the relevant faces. This is consistent with the standard austere colouration of headings: to not deviate too much from a "plain text" aesthetic. NOTE: "rainbow headings" and "section headings" can work on their own or be combined together. 3. "3D modeline" will use a faux unpressed button style for the current window's modeline (like the standard looks of 'emacs -Q'). The colours used for the active and inactive modelines are tweaked accordingly to maximise the effect while retaining the visual distinction between them. The default is to draw the modelines in a two-dimensional style, with the active one having a more noticeable border around it. 4. "Subtle diffs" will use colour-coded text for line-wise differences without applying any appropriately-coded background value or, where necessary, by using only a subtle greyscale background. This affects 'diff-mode', 'magit', 'ediff', and 'smerge-mode'. For Magit an extra set of tweaks is implemented to account for the differentiation between the focused and unfocused diff hunks. Due to their unique requirements, word-wise or refined changes are always drawn with a colour-coded background, though it is less intense when this option is enabled. The default is to use a colour-coded background and foreground combination (e.g. light green text on a dark green backdrop) and to make appropriate adjustments for refined diffs and modes of interaction such as Magit's focused/unfocused diff states. Other major refinements ----------------------- + Thoroughly revise the colours of 'ediff' and 'smerge-mode', so that they are aligned with those of 'diff-mode' and 'magit'. This is in addition to the "subtle diffs" options mentioned in the previous section. + Review the faces used by Flycheck and Flymake. A wavy/curly underline is now used in all terminals that support it. The underlined text is drawn with a more nuanced foreground than before. The previous design was exaggerating an already clear effect and could make things more difficult under certain circumstances. + All language checkers, including the aforementioned linter front-ends, now benefit from a new set of colours that are designed specifically for this particular purpose. Makes the affected faces feel more different than their context. + Use dedicated colours for escape sequences, regular expression constructs, and quoted characters. The goal is to better differentiate them from their surroundings. + Tweak the colours of 'hydra' to improve the distinction between its various types of behaviour. + Reduce the overall luminance of the background colours used in the fringes by the likes of 'flycheck', 'flymake', 'diff-hl', etc. They should now not stand out more than they should, while retaining their intended role. + Implement more saturated colours in Elfeed. The previous choices could make it harder to differentiate the various parts of the presentation. + Make better use of the customisation options for bold and slanted constructs where that is allowed. If a face is not tied to the semantics of these styles then it is drawn without them, unless the user specifically opts for the relevant customisation options. Added support for packages (A-Z) -------------------------------- + ag + color-rg + ctrlf + debbugs + eglot + forge + helpful + highlight-symbol + ibuffer + icomplete + iflipb + magit-imerge + man + orderless + page-break-lines + parrot + phi-grep + phi-search + pomidor + rcirc + spell-fu + switch-window + swoop + tab-bar-mode + tab-line-mode + trashed + tomatinho + tuareg + vimish-fold + visible-mark + vterm + wcheck-mode + winum + woman Miscellaneous changes and concluding remarks -------------------------------------------- + Rewrote large parts of the README to make the customisation options easier to discover and understand. + Updated the screen shots and their description in the relevant Wiki page: </code></pre> <hr /> <p>For more information, check the <a href="">git repository of the modus-themes</a>.</p> Protesilaos Stavrou Information about the latest release of my highly-accessible themes for Emacs. My website now adapts to dark system themes 2020-04-27T00:00:00+00:00 2020-04-27T00:00:00+00:00 <p><code></code> now conforms with the web standard on system-wide theme preferences (see <a href="">prefers-color-scheme</a>). <strong>This is not a per-website option. It does not require changes from your side.</strong> It is just about respecting the user’s choice on using a light/dark theme throughout their operating system.</p> <p>Those who opt for a dark theme in their system settings will view this website in dark colours. Otherwise they will get the default, lighter looks. Either way, the presentation should conform with the highest accessibility standard (WCAG AAA).</p> <p>Several aspects of the website’s underlying code base have been refactored. If, despite my best intentions, you feel something is amiss, please do <a href="/contact/">contact me</a>.</p> Protesilaos Stavrou If the user opts for a dark theme for their operating system, they will view this website in dark colours as well. Emacs: use SMERGE and EDIFF to resolve file conflicts 2020-04-10T00:00:00+00:00 2020-04-10T00:00:00+00:00 <p>In this video I run a real-world scenario of a failed merge in a Git-controlled project. The idea is that one branch cannot be merged cleanly into the other because there are conflicting differences between a few files. Git cannot choose on its own, so it is leaving things to us.</p> <p>This is where <code>smerge-mode</code> and <code>ediff</code> can into the picture. Both tools are built into Emacs and can be used in tandem with Magit or the standard Version Control framework (VC). The workflow is practically the same.</p> <p>Check <a href="">my dotemacs</a> for more on these.</p> Protesilaos Stavrou Video demo of two built-in Emacs tools for handling file differences and dealing with merge conflicts (such as when working with Git). Δαρβινισμός στο μπαρ 2020-04-08T00:00:00+00:00 2020-04-08T00:00:00+00:00 <p>Ο Άκης είναι ιδιοκτήτης μπυραρίας σε τουριστική περιοχή. Είναι επίσης φυσιοδίφης και φίλος της επιστήμης.</p> <p>Καθόμουν λοιπόν ένα απόγευμα στο μπαρ του. Σε κάποια φάση μπήκε μέσα πολύς κόσμος. Όλοι μονομιάς λες κι έπεσε σήμα πως θα λείψουν τα ξύδια.</p> <p>Το μπαρ είναι κυκλικό. Γύρω-γύρω οι πελάτες, στη μέση ο Άκης να τρέχει προς όλες τις κατευθύνσεις για να προλάβει. Σβούρα τον έκαναν!</p> <p>Αφού ηρέμησαν τα πράγματα, ξεκινά τον μονόλογο ενώ πάει να γελάσει κάτω από το ισχνό μουστάκι:</p> <blockquote> <p>Καλά τα είπε φίλε μου ο Δαρβίνος. Οι οργανισμοί εξελίσσονται και προσαρμόζονται στο περιβάλλον τους.</p> <p>Που σημαίνει… πως οι απογόνοι μου θα βγάλουν κι άλλα χέρια!</p> </blockquote> Protesilaos Stavrou Αστείο με θέμα την θεωρία της εξέλιξης. Κρίση, επιστημονισμός, και κυβερνητική 2020-04-06T00:00:00+00:00 2020-04-06T00:00:00+00:00 <p>Η πανδημία, είτε τεχνητή είτε φυσική, έχει δώσει στο κατεστημένο την ευκαιρία να επαναπροσδιορίσει το ισοζύγιο της ισχύος στην κοινωνία, δίνοντας νέο περιεχόμενο στο έργο της κυβερνητικής. Από πλευράς εξουσίας η επιβολή περιοριστικών μέτρων κι όλα τα σχετικά φαινόμενα συνιστούν “σφυγμομέτρηση” των ορίων και αντοχών της κοινωνίας. Ξέρουν πλέον οι κρατούντες πως θα αντιδράσει ο κόσμος δεδομένων των απαραίτητων ερεθισμάτων. Γνωρίζουν τι χρειάζεται για να περάσει το δικό τους χωρίς να το υποψιαστεί κανείς.</p> <p>Τα ΜΜΕ, των οποίων το ιδιοκτησιακό καθεστώς περιορίζεται σε μια χούφτα πλουσίων ή στο κράτος που άλλωστε συμβιώνει με αυτή την κοινωνική τάξη, έχει αναλωθεί σε αδιάκοπη πλύση εγκεφάλων. Βομβαρδίζουν τους ανθρώπους με αποσπασματικά στατιστικά, αποπλαισιωμένα νούμερα, και υπερβολικές εκτιμήσεις χωρίς κανένα σεβασμό στην επιστημονική δεοντολογία. Πρόκειται για <em>επιστημονισμό</em> του χειρίστου τύπου, δηλαδή προπαγάνδα που μοιάζει με επιστήμη αλλά δεν διέπεται από τις αξίες αυτής για κύρος, αξιοπιστία, ειλικρίνεια, σκεπτικισμό.</p> <p>Ο μέσος άνθρωπος δεν έχει πλήρη εικόνα των σχετικών στοιχείων αλλά και των απαραίτητων κριτηρίων μεθοδολογίας ώστε να μπορεί κατά τρόπο συγκριτικό να εκτιμήσει το πραγματικό μέγεθος της πανδημίας. Δεν γνωρίζει ο ανειδίκευτος πολίτης ποια είναι τα σχετικά μεγέθη για την εποχιακή γρίπη ή για άλλες αρρώστιες που μαστίζουν την κοινωνία κάθε χρόνο. Ενώ δεν ξέρει ο μη καταρτισμένος να θέσει ερωτήματα γνωσιολογικής υφής όπως τον τρόπο καταγραφής θανάτων κι αν γίνεται αυτός όταν το πρόσωπο πεθαίνει <em>με κορωνοϊό</em> ή <em>από κορωνοϊό</em>. Σε κάθε περίπτωση προκύπτουν δευτερεύοντα ερωτήματα, όπως η σχέση αιτίας και αιτιατού ως προς <em>τον βαθμό</em> που κάθε συντελεστής επηρεάζει το αποτέλεσμα.</p> <p>Δεν υπάρχει επαρκής δημόσια συζήτηση τέτοιας φύσεως. «Ιδού τα στατιστικά», θα σου πει ο απρόσεκτος ή εγκάθετος διαμορφωτής της κοινής γνώμης. Κι έτσι ο λαός δέχεται παθητικά τα νέα δεδομένα, ωθούμενος να τα συγκρίνει με κάποια υποτιθέμενη κανονικότητα μηδαμινών κρουσμάτων ή/και θανάτων από άλλες επιδημίες. Συνεπώς, στα πλαίσια της συστηματικής πλύσης εγκεφάλων που βιώνουμε, φαντάζει ο κορωνοϊός ως νέα πανούκλα.</p> <p>Το θέμα μας όμως δεν είναι ο επιστημονισμός ως τέτοιος, αλλά πως αυτός εμπεδώνεται σε μια ευρύτερη στρατηγική καθυπόταξης των λαών και περαιτέρω συγκέντρωσης της ισχύος στο πολιτικό κέντρο. Η καθεστηκυία τάξη θέλει όλη την κυριαρχία στα χέρια της. Μόνο έτσι θα μπορεί να σου περάσει τα νέα μέτρα περικοπής των συντάξεων, το νέο δημόσιο χρέος στις αυτοκρατορίες τις παρασκευής φαρμάκων/εμβολίων αλλά και τις τράπεζες, τα νέα νομοθετικά πλαίσια για περιορισμό των βασικών ελευθεριών, κτλ. Πάντα για να αποφύγουμε τον μπαμπούλα της πανδημίας που σκοτώνει τους πάντες, να σταματήσουμε μια νέα «καταστροφική» έξαρση κρουσμάτων μετά το καλοκαίρι, και τα σχετικά.</p> <p>Η κρίση αυτή διδάσκει το κατεστημένο πως δεδομένου ενός αφηγήματος για το επικείμενο τέλος του κόσμου όλα καθίστανται επιτρεπτά. Πέφτουν όλες οι άμυνες και αδυνατίζουν τα αντανακλαστικά των λαών. Οι κατ’ευφημισμό «δημοκρατίες» έχουν επιβάλλει μέτρα που θα ζήλευε ο κάθε δικτάτορας. Ούτε αντιδράσεις, ούτε διαδηλώσεις. Αλλά και συναίνεση από τις δυνάμεις της αντιπολίτευσης. Πλήρης καθήλωση!</p> <p>Επιβεβαιώνεται και πάλι το ιστορικό δίδαγμα της 11ης Σεπτεμβρίου του 2001 και του κυνηγιού μαγισσών που ακολούθησε, ήτοι του «πολέμου κατά της τρομοκρατίας». Και τότε, όπως και τώρα, η άρχουσα τάξη επαναχάραξε τα όρια της κυβερνητικής, διευρύνοντας τα υπέρ των συμφερόντων της. Και τότε, όπως και τώρα, τα ΜΜΕ χρησιμοποιήθηκαν για την συστηματική διόγκωση της εντύπωσης περί του αντικειμενικού ζητήματος: την δημιουργία τεχνητού κλήματος δηλαδή.</p> <p>Στο όνομα της καταπολέμησης της τρομοκρατίας επιβλήθηκε η μαζική παρακολούθηση των πολιτών: κάμερες παντού, πλήρης έλεγχος των διαδικτυακών «κοινωνικών» χώρων (αλλά και υποδομών) από μια οικονομικό-κρατική ελίτ, περιορισμοί στην δυνατότητα του ατόμου για προσωπικά δεδομένα και ασφαλείς-άρα-κρυπτογραφημένες επαφές με άλλα άτομα, και τα σχετικά. Έκτοτε στο όνομα της φαντασιακής αυτής μάχης κατά του πανταχού-παρόντος εχθρού της τρομοκρατίας δικαιολογούνται όλες οι αυθαιρεσίες του Δυτικού ιμπεριαλισμού και των παρεμβάσεων του ανά την υφήλιο.</p> <p>Γιατί λοιπόν να μην περιμένουμε αντίστοιχα στρατηγήματα και σήμερα; Γιατί να εμπιστευόμαστε ένα καθεστώς που συνεχώς προάγει την αδικία στην κατανομή των πόρων; Γιατί να μην πιστέψουμε πως κι αυτή η κρίση θα γίνει «ευκαιρία», ταξικό εργαλείο επιβολής απεχθών συνθηκών και καταστάσεων;</p> <p>Όλα να τα περιμένουμε. Στο όνομα της δημόσιας υγείας θα επιχειρήσουν οι εξουσιαστές να μας επιβάλλουν αναγκαστικούς εμβολιασμούς, κάνοντας μας όλους πειραματόζωα των φαρμακευτικών ολιγοπολείων. Δεν αποκλείεται να εξοπλίσουν κατάλληλα τις αστυνομικές αρχές ή σχετικές μονάδες ώστε να μπορούν να σε σταματήσουν για έλεγχο και να σε συλλάβουν αν χρειαστεί. Κι ας μην ξεχνάμε την κόλαση του Γκουαντάναμο: πάλι θα έχουμε σενάρια όπου χωρίς κανένα σεβασμό σε αρχές δικαίου θα «προστατεύει» το κράτος τους υπηκόους του από πηγές φαντασιακού κινδύνου και «αόρατους εχθρούς» με μεθόδους απολυταρχίας. Θα βρίσκει, ας πούμε, σε όλους τους γνήσιους αντιρρησίες, αντιφρονούντες, επαναστάτες «ενδείξεις» ή «υποψίες» πως τάχα είναι φορείς κάποιας θανατηφόρου νόσου κι έτσι θα τους εξαφανίζει από τον χάρτη με συνοπτικές διαδικασίες.</p> <p>Αλλά να μη μένουμε στα παράλληλα με αυτά που έγιναν μετά την επίθεση στους δίδυμους πύργους. Αντίστοιχη εκτίμηση μπορεί να γίνει και για την ευρωκρίση από την οποία ποτέ δεν βγήκαμε. Κάποτε φάνταζε αδιανόητο να έχεις συντάξεις πείνας. Τώρα είναι η κανονικότητα. Κάποτε νόμιζες πως υπάρχει κάποια ασφάλεια στην αγορά εργασίας. Τώρα ζεις στην διαρκή αγωνία των επισφαλών συνθηκών διαβίωσης. Ενώ από την άλλη οι κεντρικές τράπεζες δίνουν ωκεανούς δισεκατομμυρίων στην οικονομική ελίτ: τάχα «ποσοτική χαλάρωση» κι άλλες κενές ορολογίες.</p> <p>Η προηγούμενη οικονομική κρίση ήταν κι αυτή ένας επαναπροσδιορισμός των παραμέτρων της κυβερνητικής. Όλα όσα μας επέβαλλαν έγιναν μέρος της καθημερινότητας: η νέα σταθερά της συλλογικής ζωής. Περιμένουμε λοιπόν στην επικείμενη κρίση <em>τουλάχιστον</em> μια από τα ίδια: λιτότητα, χρέη, και υποτέλεια των λαών στις ορέξεις μιας ολιγαρχίας.</p> <p>Ως πότε θα τα ανεχόμαστε;</p> <p>Δεν είναι όλα χαμένα. Ποτέ δεν είναι. Μπορούμε να αντιδράσουμε εισάγοντας σχετικά προσιτές αλλαγές στην ζωή μας. Ας κάνουμε μικρά αλλά σταθερά βήματα εμπρός, των οποίων το αποτέλεσμα είναι μια στροφή προς <a href="">νέες αξίες κι αρετές</a>.</p> <ul> <li>Θες, ας πούμε, να έχεις υγεία; Μην περιμένεις την γραφειοκρατεία που εξυπηρετεί τα συμφέροντα των διεθνών ολιγοπωλίων, ούτε τους φερόμενους ως <a href="">εναλλακτικούς γκουρού</a>. Μάθε τώρα να φτιάχνεις <a href="">το δικό σου ψωμί</a>, με προζύμι που συντηρείς στον χώρο σου. Μετά συνέχισε με μικρού σκέλους οικολογικές καλλιέργιες. Θα δεις ποια είναι η αξία αυτών των αλλαγών και θα την επιζητήσεις κι αλλού.</li> <li>Θες προστασία στα προσωπικά σου δεδομένα; Ρώτα και μάθε για το ελεύθερο λογισμικό. Διάγραψε το προφίλ που έχεις στα «κοινωνικά» δίκτυα και σε κάθε άλλο σχετικό μηχανισμό πλύσης εγκεφάλων και ελέγχου των συνειδήσεων. Δεν κατέχεις από υπολογιστές; Δεν πειράζει, θα μάθεις σιγά-σιγά. Ζήτα βοήθεια από τον κομπιουτεράκια στην γειτονιά σου, και πες του να σου εγκαταστήσει τα Linux.</li> </ul> <p>Με άλλα λόγια, σήκω επιτέλους από τον καναπέ και παράτα την τηλεόραση. Ξέχνα και τις κουτσομπολίστικες συνομοσιολογίες που οδηγούν στον φαταλισμό, τον μηδενισμό, την αδράνεια. Να οργανωθείς με τους συντρόφους σου στα πλαίσια της πραγματικής αλληλεγγύης. Μακριά από κάθε κράτος. Μακριά από κάθε κορπορατιστικό σχεδιασμό των βιομηχάνων και των τραπεζιτών. Μακριά από κάθε όργανο ελέγχου και επιβολής.</p> Protesilaos Stavrou Σημείωση για το πως η εξουσία χρησιμοποιεί την πανδημία για επιβολή καταστάσεων.